When people talk about the possibility of foreknowledge of the future they always forget the fact of the prediction of one's own voluntary movements. —Ludwig Wittgenstein.
Very few philosophers will be persuaded by
this important book by Dan Hutto and Erik Myin, most obviously because it undermines what for many will be
held as irrefutable: the idea that minds are necessarily dependent upon inner
content. By content is meant representations of one form or another: data
structures, signals etc. that are supposedly transduced, encoded, interpreted,
recombined, judged, parsed or otherwise processed according to
information-processing models that despite decades of fine-grained EEG, MRI,
fMRI, DTI and PET research remain entirely undiscovered in the Byzantine
labyrinths of the brain.
For Hutto and Myin the assumption that cognition involves content is thoroughly unjustified in
all but the most ‘scaffolded’ of cases: cases in which minds are supported by
socially evolved practices of linguistic representation-use. In the case of
more basic minds, they argue, content is neither necessary nor logically
possible.
In a philosophical landscape dominated by
representationalist thinking, all of which is perilously dependent upon the
assumption that cognition involves content, this book fulfils its radical
intention of exposing the many ways in which the content view runs thoroughly
into the sand.
There isn’t room here to detail the many
incisive arguments levelled against the content view by Hutto and Myin, but
suffice it to say that the majority of the book is devoted to a point-by-point
critique of the principal content-dependent theories, including several that
share much in common with the authors’ brand of enactivism. No doubt critics
will complain that the authors overemphasise their counterarguments at the
expense of a comprehensive alternative thesis. Yet, if this book were nothing
more than a thorough disavowal of the doctrine of content, its contribution to
the field would be significant. As it is, Hutto and Myin have, at the very
least, cleared the ground and provided some vital tools for further exploration
and this is both welcome and, some would say, long overdue.*
Radical as this book is though, I suspect
that Hutto and Myin are either withholding a more uncompromising version of
their argument or else their position falls somewhat short of full blown
radicalism. Their retention of content in the case of scaffolded minds in
particular concedes more than is strictly necessary to their adversaries.
Perhaps they wish to offer an olive branch to soft representationalists in the
hope that they might be turned. But the fact that minds can be supported by an
extensive range of performative practices, procedures and artefacts is no
reason to suppose that scaffold users have somehow evolved into inner content
bearers. The mere suggestion that this is the case does damage to what is
otherwise a strong argument against the content view.
Undoubtedly brain states have a functional
correspondence to behaviours ('covariance conditions' as the jargon goes), but
this is no reason to assume that these brain states literally constitute
representations, no matter what the stage of their evolutionary development.
This is the conclusion that we should draw from radical enactivism and it is
strange therefore that Hutto and Myin are in the least credulous of contentful
representation, even in the case of scaffolded minds. Scaffolds are external resources
after all and the role they play is not one in which inner states become
surrogate scaffolds.
The
capacity to think using contentful representations is an example of a
late-developing, scaffolded, and socially supported achievement. It originates from
and exists, in part, in virtue of social practices that make use of external
public resources, such as pen, paper, signs, and symbols.
It may be the case that Hutto and Myin are
simply being economical here with their list of publicly available resources.
No doubt they wish to establish a clear distinction between the resources and
social practices utilised by language users and those used by other creatures.
However, in doing so, they suggest an evolutionary break where none need be
imputed. So, whilst I agree that social practices are centrally implicated in
the emergence of mind, I am not at all convinced that only late-developing
symbolic capacities qualify for consideration as constitutive of thought —
conceptual thought, yes, but not all thought. So scaffolded thought need not -
indeed should not - be regarded as exclusively linguistic in origin. Even
language had to evolve from more basic roots. There are many immediately
available behavioural (enactive) resources and communicative capacities that
creatures commonly employ that deserve serious consideration as sufficient for
the emergence of mind long prior to the discovery of the various processes and
procedures of symbol manipulation and language. Gestures, dance, facial
expressions, mock performances—including play, vocalisations, mimicry,
exaggeration, deceit, distraction, diversion, concealment, shamming, and
numerous other patterns and kinds of intelligent behaviour are all important
contenders for the constitution of basic thought, or at the very least
intentional directedness.
Intentional directedness - as it turns out
- is a major challenge, not only for Hutto and Myin’s theory but for all
principled non-representationalist theories. Representationalist thinkers, in
contrast, can simply invoke inner representations of future states of affairs
and claim these as the causal basis of intentional action. This is a very
convenient theoretical strategy, but if the mounting arguments against
representationalism — of which Hutto and Myin's should be regarded as
canonical — are correct, then the representationalists ploy is recklessly
misconceived.
What is it then, we might ask of the
radical enactivist, for an eagle to act intentionally and to anticipate future
events before they unfold? The challenge here is to explain
how 'nonverbals' are capable of predicting future states of affairs with a
high degree of accuracy. How are they capable of tracking moving objects when
obscured? Can we credit such creatures with the ability to envision future circumstances
and if not, what is it about human skills that lead us to suppose that only we
are possessed of the ability to visualise — certainly not our verbal
skills?
Hutto and Myin evidently discern little in
the way of a challenge arising as a consequence their otherwise well argued and
justified rejection of inner representations. They write: ‘The simplest life
forms are capable of intentionally directed responding.’ but precisely what predictive causal influences are
involved here they give only the merest suggestion when they offer:
‘informationally sensitive responses to natural signs.’ They claim that this is
'austere talk' and that it avoids the assumption of 'meaning' and
'representation' that they find frequently betrayed in the work of Thomson
(2007) for example. I’m not at all sure though that the policy of offloading
the attribution of content onto external ‘signs’ and ‘information’ is anywhere
near as austere as is required: advantageously sensitive
responses to natural stimuli would be genuinely austere but would still leave the question of
intentional directedness completely untouched.
A more convincing route to resolving this
question is already available to Hutto and Myin, yet it is so thoroughly
partitioned off in their theory that it seems unlikely that they would be
willing to reconfigure their thinking to accommodate it. The scaffolding that
they claim is only involved in late developing achievements of thinking is, as
we have already seen, more extensive than their thesis currently allows. If
this is true, and the evidence for these capacities is widespread amongst
social organisms, then we already have good reason to believe that these enactive capacities themselves might be
significantly implicated in intentional directedness. I will return to this
point presently.
In an earlier publication, Hutto (2008)
discusses the question of intentionality directly and he argues that the
'dances' guiding the behaviour of honey bees are 'contentless' and therefore
non-representational. He claims that these dances are 'Local Indexical Guides'
and that the bees are 'informationally sensitive to natural signs.' His
preferred terminology is presumably intended to be as neutral as possible
regarding it's representational implications yet he could hardly have chosen
more prototypical cases of representation than indexical guidance or informational signification. He also states that bee dances
incorporate: 'two distinct aspects: one carries information about the distance of the
nectar from the hive and the other carries information about the direction in which it
is located.' [My emphasis] This is curious because just few pages earlier he
writes: 'It is easy to be misled on this score by free and easy talk of information "being carried" by
signals and states.'
Either creatures communicate with one
another or they don't, and if they do, then the only resources available to
mediate this communication are public representations. So, for example, indexes are representations in which
one thing is used to direct attention to another thing: a pointing finger
[index] or footprint are obvious instances. But, as the saying goes: 'The
finger pointing at the moon is not the moon.' Indexes indicate other things and other
locations, but bees do not literally stand outside the hive pointing in the
direction of the relevant flora. If I see a flower and point to it, there is no
doubt (at least for other humans skilled in representational practices) that I
indicate the flower. But if I point to the flower through the solid wall of a hive,
the indexical relationship suddenly becomes significantly less obvious. So, if
bees do use indexical guides, they cannot be of the direct indicative
kind — even intelligent animals like dogs or chimpanzees have trouble
responding appropriately to a pointing finger (Tomasello 2006). Similarly,
if we examine the concept of guidance we will find that this too turns out to
be a paradigm case of representation with more complexity in its simplest forms
than Hutto seems prepared to acknowledge. Guidance is a performative form of exemplification in which we physically enact the relevant route or
procedure: we show the way. Deliberate guidance of this kind is actually fairly rare in
nature, whereas non-physically enacted guides (like maps for instance) are very
rare indeed (an intentionally produced trail would probably qualify though). Bees do
not leave trails lingering on the air for one another, nor do they personally
guide one another to their floral caches. So if we wish to illuminate what appears to be an extraordinarily economical yet sophisticated form of public
representation exemplified in the display behaviour of bees, then we have no
alternative than to explore their socially evolved capacities for
representation production**. No inner representations need be imputed — no
knowing that, just embedded, embodied and
enactive know-how.
I suspect that Hutto's denial of the
representational behaviour of bees is motivated by his eagerness to dispense
with teleosemantic accounts of cognition — accounts that characterise
mental states in linguistic terms. Whilst I am entirely sympathetic with his
ends, I think his means are gained at the cost of an appropriately nuanced
understanding of the relationships and differences between nonverbal and fully
verbal representational practices. Nobody doubts that bees have the capacity to
respond to their successful foraging trips by behaving in ways that lead other
bees to forage similarly. What is at issue is whether the information
(direction and distance) is internalised in representational form or whether
there might be a less extravagant way to conceive of it. Hutto and Myin are
absolutely right to pursue this latter line of enquiry, yet Hutto's ‘Indexical
Guides’ seem unlikely to withstand the occamists razor when compared with the
intuitive, if utterly mistaken, conceptual simplicity of inner representations.
A more substantial non-representational theory of intentional directedness is
urgently required.
How might this be achieved? I suggest once
again that an adjusted version of Hutto and Myin's Scaffolded Minds Hypothesis
is all that is necessary. Where a sharp distinction needs to be drawn though,
is between organisms that are capable of producing representations (like bees and human
beings) and those that are not (like viruses and trees).
Representation-producing organisms provide good cause to suspect that they
might be capable of anticipating some future states of affairs, i.e. of
representing them in token form – as is the case with bees. Such
capacities would qualify therefore as viable causal drivers towards
currently unfulfilled future states of affairs. In the case of other organisms,
we haven’t yet embarked upon a study of what causally influential
dispositions-to-represent may be mediating their actions but this would seem to
be a field rich with untapped potential. What we can say though, is that the capacity to produce representations of
future states of affairs should be considered instrumental in the attribution
of intentional action as opposed to mere purposeful responsiveness.
Although I have only sketched the vaguest
outline here of what is a far more extensive enactive theory of intentional
directedness, it is nonetheless closely consistent with the main body of Hutto
and Myin’s important theoretical work. Minds are by their very nature
scaffolded and without such scaffolding, mindedness would be inconceivable.
In an article for the Notre Dame
Philosophical Review, Tom Roberts claims that Hutto and Myin’s most radical
idea is that “basic minds are not brain-bound; they are not defined by
representational transactions; they are fully and constitutively
world-involving.” I would challenge Roberts on this observation. The book is
called 'Radicalizing Enactivism' after all, not 'Radical Enactivism'.
It is a rallying cry, not a stipulation of terms; a set of tools, not an academic
ornament. It's radicalism derives from the advantages it confers to those who
put it to use: enacting its radicalism.
Basic minds – indeed all minds - are
constituted by what they are capable of representing: of precisely the
public representational transactions they are capable of engaging in.
Beyond these capacities to represent their causal engagements
with the world, all organisms – ourselves included – are merely evolved
purposeful responders. It just so happens that humans are massively disposed to
represent their causal encounters. And what we are not capable of representing
we can’t claim to perceive. The same applies, it might be said, to enormously
important but largely ignored or misunderstood radical theories of mind.
For further discussion of Dan Hutto's theories you may be interested to read the next post here.
For further discussion of Dan Hutto's theories you may be interested to read the next post here.
*William Ramsey’s ‘Representation
Reconsidered’ (2009) is another important contribution in this regard.
** The question of the representational nature of bee dances remains controversial. Adrian Wenner in particular is critical of the evidence provided regarding bee "language". His own research favours scent carried by successful foraging bees which then triggers fellow bees to search for the same scent. Nonetheless there remains reason to suppose that a simple form of representation may be at work - at least in the direction that the dances are conducted which correlates with the direction of food sources. More evidence is required to settle the issue.
** The question of the representational nature of bee dances remains controversial. Adrian Wenner in particular is critical of the evidence provided regarding bee "language". His own research favours scent carried by successful foraging bees which then triggers fellow bees to search for the same scent. Nonetheless there remains reason to suppose that a simple form of representation may be at work - at least in the direction that the dances are conducted which correlates with the direction of food sources. More evidence is required to settle the issue.
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